My favourite literary device smacks me in the face yet again, striking once again on the eve of a homeward bound journey. Over five and a half decades ago, a small, frail man by the name of Potti Sreeramulu held a peaceful fast-unto-death for the formation of a separate state for the speakers of Telugu. The diminutive gentleman’s oft-forgotten sacrifice led to the formation of the States Reorganisation Committee in 1953, giving the basis of the geo-political structure of the country as we know it today. In an ironical occurrence of déjà vu, K. Chandrasekhar Rao’s fast- not going to the ultimate end- has seen the government finally give in to the twenty-year-old demand for the separate state of Telangana. However, things couldn’t have been any more different than during the decade after independence, and thus, the announcement of the division rankles me further, no matter what and how potent the political pressures the ruling government maybe under.
The first reorganisation or reformation of states in India to have taken place since the economic revival of the early 1990s was the formation of the three states of Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal. Years of underdevelopment and want for separation on the basis of tribes and castes saw the formation of the trio at the dawn of the new millennium. Also, the administrative difficulties involved in managing states the size of the BIMARU quartet deemed it almost compulsory. In a hastily-done reorganisation, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh were almost robbed in clear daylight, with almost no care taken in properly dividing the various natural resources of the regions. Even a ten-year-old like me could point out the glaring errors. Only one of the five power plants that Madhya Pradesh had remained in its divided territory, and mind you, even after the bifurcation, it remained one of the biggest states by area. The forests, coal, limestone, bauxite and other natural reserves, arable land and water resources were also shabbily divided leaving MP high and dry- quite literally. Yet, the scourge of the naxalites and Chambal valley’s notorious dacoits went into the newly-formed smaller Chattisgarh’s hands, whose accordingly-sized police force was obviously outnumbered and outgunned by the seasoned insurgents. Result? MP didn’t do too much good to its “BIMARU” reputation, while Chattisgarh is now officially the state worst affected by insurgency. Bihar’s split saw similar mistakes, with the already notorious state’s few resources, too, unequally handed, with the ample coal reserves and the prestigious industrial city of Jamshedpur going Jharkhand’s way. The little forest cover that it had, too, went the other way, and all Bihar was left with was Patliputra and the Kosi. Bad fortune played its part in flooding the river, and Jharkhand has its own issues with the naxalites and Maoists. Another division decision not going too well. Uttaranchal, now Uttarakhand (they took over a month to finalise Uttaranchal in the first place!), hasn’t met the fate of its other birth brothers, but having lived most of the past three years in the state, I learn that most of the Pahadis, for whom the state was purportedly divided, are still left in the lurch over the advantages of the development projects, the most well-documented being the displaced in the many hydro-power projects that have been commissioned in the state. Yet, maybe because of the able early leadership of the seasoned campaigner B.C. Khanduri, and many other factors, this state has prospered to quite an extent. I won’t call it an honourable exception, yet. Most of the developmental projects in the state are yet to bear fruit, mind you.
I’d always disliked more states being formed. As an enthusiastic quizzer, the idea of remembering one more state, capital and Chief Minister sounded bad. As I’ve grown up to understand the nitty-gritties of how the largest democracy in the world works, it’s only been sadder. Each year, as the Budget is announced, every other state is up in arms about the allocation of vital Central funds to it. The same goes on at the state level, too. But, given the legislative structure of the country, it is the responsibility of the people’s representatives- the Members of Parliament and the Legislative Assemblies, at the two respective levels- to address the concerns of their state/region. After god-only-knows how many years have we had an almost unanimous decision at the Centre. The Congress Party won by an overwhelming majority in the General Elections this year, requiring only minor support from allies. Despite lingering doubts over corruption, it was generally hailed as a new era with a stable government at the helm. That’d streamline the funds allocation, one would tend to believe, as more information was assimilated from the previous years’ mistakes and with stable representatives, the demands would be heard properly. Yet, the demand for statehood for certain regions, citing long years of neglect, remained.
Even back home in Mana Andhra (Our Andhra), the YSR Reddy-led government won the Assembly elections, even if by a narrow margin, indicating another stable government. The Telangana movement, though, picked up steam after the sudden unfortunate demise of the Chief Minister, and went beyond the control of the interim supremo, K. Rosiah. The reason remained the same, though- crores of funds earned by the region from the Centre were diverted to development projects in other regions, and the people of the state continued to suffer from long-standing problems like draught and poverty. Let’s come to facts- almost all ten districts of the region have seen numerous changes of political dominance over the past decade and a half. The TDP and Congress have always ping-ponged in the number of MLAs and MPs from the region, and if the required funds, aids and projects aren’t coming in for the region, isn’t it a failure of these region’s representatives, I beg to ask? Isn’t it a failure of these men and women fighting for seats of power and responsibility to deliver on the promises they’d made over all these years?
Somehow, it isn’t that easy to try and stick to what one says during election campaigns and serve people of the regions they represent in the Assembly and Parliament, but easier to campaign for a separate state, where more of the same may occur, as the real root of the problem hasn’t been removed. Now they’re going to fight it out over the next few weeks and months over the city of Hyderabad, where the price of the real estate is probably going to tilt the deal.
Amidst all this, I’ll probably have to make more space in my cramped memory for another capital city and Chief Minister, and maybe pay more to travel to my mother’s hometown, where my maternal cousins stay, as it’ll be across state lines. That farmer somewhere in a parched hut in Mahbubnagar district will still have to shiver through the night and wonder if it’ll rain well enough next year.
Maa telugu talli ki malle puvvu-danda!
(A jasmine garland for our Telugu motherland)
P.S.- No offence intended towards any particular party/region/race/caste/religion/people. This was just a rant coming late in the night.
7 comments:
I have to admit that I cheated whilst reading your blog. I read it in the famous 'diagonal algorithm' manner! But, after going through it, I can now understand how very sensitive people are about their place!
And the present situation is very unfortunate.
illuminative post murtha.....very correct...i do seriously wonder about this fast unto death tool.
Brilliant post Murta. Couldn't have put it any better. Apparently, there are 11 more proposals on the Centre's desk for partitions of other states. Hottest among these is Behenji's wish for a Poorvanchal, after Uttaranchal and Uttar Pradesh. Soon, Paschimanchal and Dakshinanchal will mean the end of UP as we have known it to exist for so many years.
And it beats me what purpose such divisions are going to serve. Somewhat suspiciously, leaders in Kerala are suddenly holding arms in a show of no holds barred affection, asserting that the state is going to remain one forever. It's anyway a tiny little state, so doesn't make much of a difference.
@ Anunya
You have no idea.
@ Piece-ra
The bandh's going on indefinitely as people are now fasting (unto death) against the formation of Telangana. Again, the irony!
@ Arun
My father, in a hangover from all those years travelling all over North India, still thinks Roorkee is in Uttar Pradesh. It's a confusing argument we have all the time trying to explain the change in states when going to Delhi. And, again, the whole system of electoral constituencies is to streamline administrative difficulties. Why do we have to have that as a reason for state division all the time?
I hate relearning maps... There was a time I could, blindfolded, draw solid lines with consummate ease demarcating each of the then 26 states! Alas, those days didn't last!
I think it's a good move. Our country should have never been divided on linguistic lines when all that hollering about socialist, secular, blah-blah was going on.
At any rate, the boundaries of language will blur and be superceded by the boundaries of city-states driven by ever-changing economic forces. That's how it always is.
@ Kondrews
I always struggled with the seven sisters.
@ Tajo
If I were to take your suggestion into account, there should also be a demand for joining some states. Say, Assam and West Bengal, for example. Or in the near future, Assam and Gorkhaland. In fact, if political forces were to take account of economic factors affecting their people, Gorkhaland would be asking to join Assam, rather than a seperate state.
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